The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful holders of that office in the nation's history. Whereas many vice-presidents were confined to marginal or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often described as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the relationship was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in public settings as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any unidentified aircraft approaching the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults transformed him, leading him to become intent on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the proper decision to do at that time. I believed it at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
However during that period, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had drafted a memo outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be compromised (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the White House somewhat determined on executing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a conspiracy to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, frequently citing agency briefings that were both thin or entirely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the torture, Cheney disregarded the report as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place initiatives to apprehend the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the shadows that nobody ever sees come out of his hole? That is a advantageous way to operate, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him through his period as VP. While he had minimal expertise in commerce but good contacts in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US contracts worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the firm increased from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
